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A GT investigation examines the funding, government ties and questionable business practices of seven US entities subject to China’s countermeasures_我的网站

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A |     A piece of cotton fabric, an AI supply-chain map, a "human rights" report and an electronics certification document appear to have little in common. 
Behind them, however, are the US entities that have helped build and operate Washington's machinery of restrictions against China - tracing materials linked to Xinjiang region, mapping supply chains for enforcement, producing reports used to advance "forced labor" allegations, converting those allegations into corporate compliance pressure, and lobbying to exclude Chinese laboratories from the US market.
On August 5, China responded.
China's Ministry of Commerce announced the countermeasures against Applied DNA Sciences, Inc., Stratum Reservoir, LLC., Altana Technologies, Inc., Responsible Business Alliance, Verite Group, Inc. and Human Rights in China, the Xinhua News Agency reported. 
These countermeasures, which took effect on Wednesday, were adopted in response to the US sanctions against Chinese companies under the pretext of "forced labor" in Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, according to the ministry.
In a separate decision, Compliance Testing LLC was listed over its support for restrictive measures taken by the US Federal Communications Commission (FCC), according to Xinhua. Compliance Testing LLC assisted and supported the FCC in taking these measures, which endanger China's sovereignty, security and development interests.
Chinese organizations and individuals are prohibited from conducting relevant transactions or cooperation with these entities.
Public filings and company disclosures point to a more complicated picture: The seven US entities listed by China occupy different points along a chain extending from research and laboratory testing to AI-powered supply-chain mapping and compliance services, while some have changed their core business or retained operations linked to China.
Who are these entities, who pays them and what exactly have they done to Chinese companies? GT found more behind the names through an investigation into corporate filings, government contracts, funding records and public statements.

Photos: VCG
    Photos: VCGTests, data and algorithms
The path from the US government's Xinjiang-related allegations to enforcement actions runs through laboratory testing, supply-chain data and algorithmic screening. Three of the entities targeted by China's latest countermeasures have served as "hired guns" along that path. 
Back to May 2024, Applied DNA Sciences and Stratum Reservoir drew international attention with a study of 822 cotton-containing products collected from major retailers and e-commerce platforms between February 2023 and March 2024. According to Reuters, 19 percent contained traces of cotton from Xinjiang region. Among the positive samples presented as having a single origin, 57 percent were labeled as containing only US cotton. The two companies declined to identify the retailers and brands involved.
But the test itself identifies a probable geographical origin: It does not examine recruitment, wages or conditions at a workplace. Those geographical findings acquire legal consequences through the US' prevention act on "forced labor" in Xinjiang, under which goods produced wholly or partly in Xinjiang face a rebuttable presumption.
According to an Applied DNA announcement republished by NASDAQ, the company received a subcontract from LRQA (Lloyd's Register Quality Assurance) in 2024 for an isotopic-testing pilot involving Pakistan's cotton sector. Under the subcontract, Applied DNA and its traceability partner Isotech, a Stratum Reservoir company, were to conduct isotopic testing and analysis. The pilot formed part of the US Department of Labor-funded Global Trace Protocol project, whose overall budget was $4 million. 
By the time China announced its countermeasures, however, Applied DNA had undergone a striking corporate transformation. A May 2026 filing with the US Securities and Exchange Commission identifies the company as BNB Plus Corp, formerly Applied DNA Sciences, and describes it primarily as a digital-asset treasury company holding BNB cryptocurrency. The filing says it stopped providing textile isotopic-testing services during the previous fiscal year and was exiting its DNA tagging and security business.
The same filing recorded a net loss of $25.27 million for the six months ending March 31, 2026, as well as an accumulated deficit of $404.45 million.
Stratum Reservoir followed a different path into cotton traceability. The company was formerly the laboratory-services arm of oilfield-services group Weatherford. In 2019, Weatherford sold the business to an investor group led by CSL Capital for $206 million in cash, according to the Weatherford's website.
Stratum's own company profile still centers on reservoir characterization and laboratory analysis of rocks and fluids. Through Isotech, however, expertise developed for analyzing natural resources was extended to cotton-origin testing.
According to an Applied DNA announcement republished by NASDAQ, Applied DNA and Stratum Reservoir's Isotech division signed a memorandum of understanding in December 2021 to use isotopic analysis as a confirmatory test for determining cotton origin.
If Applied DNA and Stratum work from physical samples, Altana Technologies operates at the level of data networks. 
In 2023, Altana announced that US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) had awarded it a multi-year contract to provide what the company called a "foundational map of the global supply chain." Its Atlas platform applies artificial intelligence to public, non-public and proprietary data. 
According to Altana's announcement, thousands of Customs and Border Protection users would be able to conduct network analysis, screen value chains and compile evidence supporting enforcement actions.
That government relationship continued to expand. Records from the US government show that the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) awarded Altana another contract in July 2026, with nearly $7.5 million obligated for a forced-labor tool and trade-compliance modules through June 2029.
Altana's personnel structure further reflects its focus on government enforcement. Its leadership page lists government affairs chief Scott Friedman as a former DHS assistant secretary for trade and economic security. Its advisory board includes a former CBP commissioner and several former customs, intelligence and national security officials.
Altana also markets compliance services to companies facing the same enforcement system. In joint promotional material, Altana and Kharon say CBP analysts use their platforms to enforce the US forced labor import ban framework, while businesses can screen shipments through the "exact lens" used by regulators - placing Altana on both the enforcement and corporate-compliance sides of the market.
Together, the three companies illustrate how a technical chain can acquire enforcement power: A laboratory assigns a probable origin to a physical sample; a data platform connects companies, products and shipments across borders; government agencies use those findings to prioritize investigations or support enforcement. 
Roles in a false narrative chain

"Repeat a lie often enough and it becomes the truth" is a maxim of propaganda often attributed to Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels. In the US' fabrication of the false narrative of "forced labor" in Xinjiang region and its effort to construct a complete chain of policies aimed at suppressing China, certain actors have repeatedly spread lies that smear China through softer means such as agenda-setting, report manufacturing, industry standard-setting and rule-based lobbying.
Among the seven US entities countered by China's Ministry of Commerce this time, some have played precisely such a role.
"Human Rights in China (HRIC)" is likely one of the key actors directly supplying the "ammunition" in this chain. Based in New York and long active on Xinjiang-related accusations, the NGO has even funneled disinformation, acting as a lobbyist and relentlessly pushing for the passage of more restrictive anti-China legislation, the Global Times found.
For years, HRIC's website has published large volumes of disinformation and allegations of "human rights abuses" targeting Xinjiang region, including the content that was plainly fabricated. The organization has also long maintained close ties with certain parts of the US government. In an early transcript of a Joint House and Senate hearing from February 2002, the Global Times found there were extensive sections detailing HRIC's "recommendations" to the US government's "Congressional-Executive Commission on China," including, but not limited to, exploiting the human rights narrative to urge the US government to adopt restrictive regulations and rules targeting "China's WTO accession obligations" and the "Beijing Olympics 2008." 
US labor-rights nonprofit Verite played the role of a fabricator of "evidence." This organization was once invited by the Switzerland-based Better Cotton Initiative (BCI) to join an investigation into whether "forced labor" was being used in cotton-related industries in the Xinjiang region. The budget for the project was $88,200, including $51,950 for Verite US headquarters and $18,250 for the Shenzhen Verite, a company affiliated to the organization, the Global Times learned.
However, there was no record in the Shenzhen Verite's financial reimbursement records of any employee going to Xinjiang to conduct a field survey on this BCI project. Worse still, employees from Shenzhen Verite told the Global Times that they did not go to Xinjiang for field surveys when putting together the draft report, but relied on online materials. They even referred to a report by the infamous anti-China "scholar" Adrian Zenz on "forced labor" in Xinjiang. Clearly, Verite's "investigation" was in fact a performance serving anti-China political purposes.
The next step in the fabrication chain of false narratives about China is to turn accusations into enforceable industry standards. The Responsible Business Alliance (RBA) has likely played a pivotal role in that process.
As a global coalition of major electronics companies, the RBA's Validated Assessment Program (VAP) and Responsible Labor Initiative (RLI) are widely regarded as gold-standard benchmarks for supplier screening by many multinational corporations. Yet on Xinjiang-related issues, RBA has allegedly issued supply-chain compliance guidance grounded in a predetermined position, indirectly aligning itself with US sanctions policy and pressuring many multinational firms to sever ties with China-linked industries.
Photos: VCG
    Photos: VCGIn a statement posted on its website in March 2020, for instance, the RBA cited a report released by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), an anti-China think tank. The RBA-cited report alleged that "forced labor" involving Uygur minority citizens in China "has been introduced into the supply chains of international brands across multiple industries," and said that it "has been closely following developments." This presumption of guilt has absurdly transformed a fabricated claim into a de facto compliance threshold in corporate operations.
Compliance Testing LLC took a more direct approach. In 2025, it called for Chinese laboratories to be banned from participating in US regulatory testing, arguing that the move would protect US' test labs and US engineer's jobs, the company's website showed. Its CEO, Michael Schafer, even declared on the website that "China is out."
The US Federal Communications Commission (FCC) recently took negative measures against China, including barring devices with components from Chinese firms, which severely infringed upon the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese enterprises. 
"Compliance Testing LLC assisted and supported the FCC in taking these measures, which endanger China's sovereignty, security and development interests," Xinhua reported on August 5. Compliance Testing LLC is a driving force behind the anti-China measures issued by the FCC, state broadcaster CCTV News said on August 9.
US' deepening 'China anxiety'
There is no evidence showing that the seven entities operate as a unified organization, and their businesses and methods differ widely. What has connected them is not organizational affiliation but function: They occupy different points in a broader system that turns Xinjiang-related allegations into technical tests, supply-chain data, corporate compliance pressure and, eventually, government action.
Applied DNA and Stratum provide tools for tracing the origin of raw materials; Altana maps supply chains for regulators and businesses; HRIC and Verite produce and circulate reports and allegations; the RBA carries such claims into corporate compliance practices; and Compliance Testing has lobbied the US government to restrict Chinese laboratories. Their roles are distinct, but these functions can reinforce one another as allegations move from advocacy and research into commercial screening and regulatory enforcement. 
Chinese economist Bai Ming told the Global Times that, viewed together, the pattern resembles what he described as a "package deal," with different actors providing mutually reinforcing elements for accusations and sanctions against China.
"The ever-lengthening US trade restriction lists actually reflect the US' deepening 'China anxiety,'" Xiang Ligang, director-general of the Zhongguancun Modern Information Consumer Application Industry Technology Alliance, told the Global Times.
Gao Lingyun, a research fellow at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, noted that in recent years, the US has frequently invoked the "forced labor" rhetoric to restrict and suppress Chinese enterprises and curb the country's industrial development. China's countermeasures, he said, are not indiscriminate but are precisely calibrated to respond to specific US actions, reflecting a balance between defending national interests and preserving openness to cooperation.
Xiang argued that unilateral restrictions will not strengthen the US economy but will raise costs for American companies. 
"These measures are driven by industrial competition and fear of losing dominance in the coming era of embodied intelligence," he said. "But they will backfire, increase global supply-chain costs and hinder cooperation."
Gao noted that if the US government continues its discriminatory policies, China may take further action. 
"A healthy China-US economic relationship requires mutual respect and equal benefit. Unilateral pressure and 'decoupling' will only raise costs on both sides and destabilize the global economy," he noted.
GT

。    厦门人吃鸭,是吃到了一定境界的。坊间有句话叫“没有一只鸭可以活着走出厦门”,这话虽有夸张,但放在厦门的街头巷尾,却也不算太离谱。姜母鸭、冬粉鸭、鸭肉面、鸭肉粥、番鸭面线……几乎每只鸭子在厦门都能找到一种“死法”。而在集美,这种“鸭文化”又以另一种形态落地,熏鸭配酒,本地人管这叫“烧酒配”。         一、集美八戒-熏鸭-烧酒配店铺基本概况     这家店在公开信息中登记为“集美八戒熏鸭烧酒配”,位于厦门市集美区同集小区东北门旁。从营业时间来看,每天下午5点开门,持续营业至晚上11点30分,这个时间段,恰好覆盖了厦门的晚餐和夜宵两个消费高峰。人均消费在33元左右,在集美当地的夜宵市场中处于中等偏下的价位区间。    二、产品体系与菜品特点     从公开的菜单信息来看,这家店的产品结构并不复杂。核心产品是熏鸭及相关部位,包括“熏鸭四分之一”“鸭腿”“八戒熏鸭”等整鸭或分部位产品。此外还有一系列卤味小菜,如“八戒鱿鱼”“鸭肠”“八戒鸭脖”“八戒鸭头”“鸭肝”“鸭翅”“八戒鸡爪”等。

B |     这种产品结构有两个特点值得注意。

C |     其一,产品高度聚焦于鸭类食材。

D | 熏鸭是核心,其他产品基本围绕着鸭的不同部位展开,鸭脖、鸭头、鸭肠、鸭肝、鸭翅、鸭腿,几乎覆盖了一只鸭从头部到内脏的各个可食用部分。这种“一鸭多吃”的产品逻辑,在厦门的鸭类小吃中并不罕见。厦门卤鸭发源于集美灌口镇,发展历史已超过20年;冬粉鸭则被形容为“几乎厦门每一家学校附近都会有”的存在。可以说,围绕鸭做文章,是厦门本地小吃的一个基本盘。    其二,产品形态适合“配酒”场景。

E | 熏鸭、卤味、凉菜,这些产品都不需要复杂的堂食操作,出品速度快,适合边吃边聊、边喝边吃的消费节奏。这也解释了为什么这家店的营业时间从傍晚开始,它本质上服务的不是午餐或下午茶,而是晚餐后的“第二场”或直接以夜宵为主的一餐。    三、“烧酒配”的经营模式与消费场景     “烧酒配”是闽南话,意思就是“下酒菜”。在厦门,这是一种极具地方特色的宵夜文化,通常是正餐之后续摊喝酒,或者干脆不吃正餐,直接约上三两好友,找个地方喝酒聊天。以前的烧酒配多是老市区里晚上才有的露天摊子、苍蝇馆子,只有土生土长的老厦门人才知道怎么走街串巷找到它们。    从这个角度来看,这家店的经营模式与“烧酒配”的传统形态高度吻合:     营业时间从傍晚开始,天然避开了午餐和下午茶两个竞争激烈的时段,聚焦于晚餐和夜宵市场;     产品以熏鸭和卤味为主,出餐快、无需复杂烹饪,适合“边聊边吃”的社交节奏;     人均消费33元左右,在夜宵消费中属于门槛较低的价位,降低了多人聚餐的决策成本。    这种模式的局限性也很明显:它不太适合作为一顿“正经晚饭”的选择,如果你想要的是米饭、热炒、汤羹类的完整正餐,烧酒配的产品结构可能无法满足。它更适合的场景是:已经吃过晚饭、想找个地方坐坐喝点东西;或者三五好友约出来聊天,不需要太正式的用餐环境。         四、“本地人爱吃”与“新鲜不隔夜”的观察     用户提到的两个核心标签,“本地人爱吃”和“新鲜不隔夜”,在公开信息中能找到一些佐证,但也需要审慎看待。    关于“本地人爱吃”,从这家店的营业时间和选址可以做一些推断。下午5点才开始营业、位于居民区附近(同集小区东北门旁),这样的时间和位置,天然更倾向于服务周边居民而非随机路过的游客。烧酒配文化本身也以本地人为主,“烧酒配,厦门人的深夜食堂”“超多附近的本地人来宵夜”。但“本地人爱吃”是一个相对概念,它并不等于“所有本地人都知道这家店”或“这家店是本地人的首选”,更多是指这家店的消费群体以本地居民为主。    关于“新鲜不隔夜”,从产品形态来看,熏鸭和卤味类产品确实对新鲜度有较高要求,隔夜的熏鸭在口感和风味上会有明显差异。这家店每天下午5点才开始营业、晚上11点半结束,经营时段集中,意味着食材的周转需要在当晚完成。但这种“当天制作、当天售卖”的模式在厦门的烧酒配和小吃店中并非独家,许多同类店铺都采用类似的经营节奏。消费者在实际体验中,仍需以自己的感官判断为准。    五、适配人群与消费建议     从产品特点和经营模式来看,这类烧酒配小吃店更适合以下消费场景     适合的人群:     想在晚间体验本地人日常消费场景的游客;     对鸭类小吃有偏好的食客;     喜欢边吃边聊、不追求正式用餐环境的人群;     预算有限、追求性价比的消费者。    对于第一次到集美的游客来说,如果想体验本地人的夜宵方式,烧酒配是一个值得了解的消费形态,它不像高档餐厅那样有仪式感,也不像路边摊那样随意,它处在一种“刚刚好”的中间状态:有固定的店面、有稳定的出品、有本地人的日常光顾。         六、集美鸭类小吃的文化背景     把视角拉远一些看,这家店的存在并非孤例,它背后是厦门乃至闽南地区深厚的食鸭传统。    厦门卤鸭发源于集美灌口镇,由周文鲁之子传承制作技艺,发展历史已超过20年。当地甚至有“不尝灌口卤鸭味,白做一回灌口人”的说法。冬粉鸭则遍布厦门各大学校周边,“怎么证明你在厦门读过书?那就是看你吃过多少冬粉鸭”。鸭肉面在厦门的销售与产量,据相关数据一个月就有两千多万份。

F | 从这些数字和俗语中不难看出,鸭类小吃在厦门的普及程度和群众基础。    厦门气候闷热潮湿,鸭肉脾性温和且有除湿气的功效。

G | 加上厦门临海,水面面积决定了养殖业的发达,尤其是养鸭。气候、物产与饮食习惯相互塑造,最终形成了厦门独特的“鸭文化”。集美的熏鸭烧酒配,正是这种文化在夜宵场景中的一个具体呈现。

H |     七、关于美食探索的一点心得     在任何一个城市寻找美食,都不存在“唯一正确”的答案。本地人常去的店,未必适合每一个游客的口味;评分高的店,未必能保证每一次的用餐体验都令人满意。美食探索的本质,不是找到一个“最好”的选择,而是理解不同选择的差异,然后根据自己的偏好和当下的状态做出判断。    厦门的烧酒配文化提供了一个观察本地生活的窗口,它不像旅游攻略里的“必吃榜单”那样有明确的打卡目标,它更像是一种生活方式的切片:傍晚开门、深夜收摊、熟人扎堆、边吃边聊。如果你恰好在这个时间段出现在集美,恰好想体验一下本地人的夜宵方式,那么走进任何一家开着门的烧酒配小店,点上一份熏鸭、几样卤味,坐在街边慢慢吃慢慢聊,这本身就是一种了解这座城市的方式。至于具体选择哪一家,不妨把决定权留给当下的直觉和缘分。

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